Racial Victims of Crime

Racial dynamics play an important role in deciding who is victimized and who is not. However, little research has focused specifically on victims of color or has explored the ways racialized experiences of this type are both similar to and distinct from those of other crime victims. The primary aim of this paper is to highlight areas of concern arising from recent research and our reflection on this research for those who may be situated at the intersection of "race" and "victimization.

" We argue that it is important to be cognizant of the specific concerns of racial, ethnic, and cultural victims when developing crime prevention programs and services. Many crime prevention and related services today focus on "areas at risk," without also accounting for the many different racial dynamics by which a person might be made at risk in her neighborhood, place of work, or home (or while she is commuting between any of these areas). In this essay, however, we highlight the problems of such a color-blind risk reduction approach and reflect on the specific issues facing racial victims of pedophilia. The essay is divided into four sections. Initially, we present a statistical snapshot of crime among different racial and ethnic groups within the United States and highlight the need for a special focus on the crimes committed against people of color. We also suggest that we need to know more about the racial and cultural dynamics of victimization for both research and survivors' sakes. We further show that, like rape and domestic violence, childhood sexual abuse is socially constructed and argue that race can play a large role in both shaping one's experiences as a victim/survivor and affecting the responses one receives from family, friends, professionals, communities, and society as a whole. In the next section, we detail some reasons why people of color might be reluctant to report an abusive caregiver, and we reflect on some troubled reflections that are known to impact Indigenous families. Finally, we conclude with potential violence prevention strategies, with a special focus on Indigenous groups and people of color. Throughout this essay, we use "racial" to denote the social fact of racialization, which links skin color and culture to particular traits, values, and behaviors that are used by some to justify differential treatment of individuals and groups. The term will be used rather than "ethnic" to emphasize that race is not fixed and immutable, and ethnicity is indeed a social construct itself.

The Impact of Race on Victimization

Race plays a critical role in the experience of victimization. Descriptions of the prevalence of various types of victimization illustrate racial disparities. White individuals tend to experience higher rates of household and intimate partner violence compared to Black individuals. The data, however, also show that racial and ethnic minorities – drawn largely from marginalized, economically disadvantaged subgroups – are disproportionately victimized simply because of their race. In 2016, a significant percentage of reported hate crime offenders were White and a notable percentage were Black or African American. While the prevalence of race-related hate crimes has increased in recent years, it is generally agreed that every statistical measure underestimates the problem.

Race-based crime victimization is tied to systemic and societal issues, which are often rooted in historical context. It often manifests in experiences beyond the isolated criminal act, as racial minorities are targeted based on their culturally, historically, or phenotypically distinct group membership. Victims of race-based crime face unique pre-assault, assault, and post-assault challenges involving race-related prejudice, stress, and adversity. The psychological and emotional consequences of race-based victimization include helplessness and perceived lack of control, reduced post-assault coping resources, and internalization of negative societal attitudes about their racial group. Victims often encounter negative societal reactions to their victimization, such as blame for what happened, distrust and fear from others, reduced likelihood of receiving assistance and affecting systemic change, and suspicion of being motivated by secondary gain. In sum, the unique challenges that racial minority victims face, tied to race-related crime, justify the need for victimization research that acknowledges the criticality of their race-related experiences. Such acknowledgment is imperative for enhancing holistic service provision, including the prevention of future abuse, and demonstrating a responsive criminal justice system.

Intersectionality and Multiple Marginalizations

This concept underscores the interplay between social markers, such as race, class, gender, and sexuality. A narrow focus on race or gender masks more subtle facets of non-dominant social groups’ disadvantages. Women of color, for instance, may not only find themselves outside mainstream patriarchal norms, but also outside efforts to ignore male chauvinism and work for a society that equally appreciates women. By analogy, victims with a “successful” economic profile may gain more police attention and resources by being robbed than if they are in social housing; the heterosexual female victim of domestic abuse may be more likely to receive police support services than a lesbian in the same situation. Each intersection of social markers can yield a unique labyrinth of escalating marginalization and victimization. More complex conceptual and applied analyses of race and crime must thus make room for such ‘multiple marginalizations.’

For example, the harmful effects of racism may be compounded because Black communities often have less access to lucrative jobs, good housing, and good schools; may have to live in disadvantaged areas where crime and fear of crime are rife; and may also face the outcomes of racial profiling, such as more surveillance and more punishment. Imagining these whole lives, rather than only their most dire or their most affluent moments, may help explain societal crime, acknowledging that some members of racial and ethnic groups are not historically chaste or born of historical exclusion, and that some members of the offending race and ethnic groups are sufficiently privileged to slum in a prejudiced-but-not-criminal manner. It is ambiguous whether a Latina single mother receiving subpar service from a policeman was being discriminated against on account of her race or her socio-economic status; she may have been better off economically than her Black peers, but worse off economically than her white ones, and perhaps was extra poor because she both supported and accounted for a daughter. Any potential racist discrimination, should it exist, seems to target her as much along gender lines as along class and race lines. One-dimensional analyses miss the full import of her account of victimization indeed, of a whole life under triple threat of victimization because of race, gender, and class. Hence it is not enough to say, for example, that African women are at greater risk of crime than white counterparts without discussing lived experiences and nudging policy reforms for these Africans at their respective levels of socioeconomic comfort and/or need. The subtle logics of demarcation that happen to match official categorization of stressors is part of the issue in crime; ethnic and gender identity is part of the problem in begging for change. Women who struggle to flee domestic violence on account of their addiction can seem too polluted in minority studies as they do in criminal justice reform. Co-victimized women, on the other hand, may resemble fully rounded social categories once they become sympathetic or oppressed enough. Across all permutations of Venn diagrams of oppression, inclusive discussions dodge simplifying them, and us. In short, identify when you want to create a relevant subcategory to capture the lack of support issued for a uniquely co-victimized offender or victim, and shriek that the intersections are mostly where we live. No typical racial victim exists.

Barriers to Reporting and Seeking Help

Many racial victims do not report crimes that they have experienced. There are numerous obstacles for victims who would like to report a crime. Victims may worry that they will be discriminated against because of their race and so do not report. This is particularly a concern for victims from cultures where exploitation, violence, or sexual abuse are stigmatized. Others may be distrustful of law enforcement in their country and so do not report. These stigmas are deeply ingrained within societal culture, and so it is difficult to change. Furthermore, there may be systemic issues within the criminal justice system that discourage reporting. For example, within some countries, there are laws that mean that an undocumented person who reports a crime could be imprisoned or deported, making the victim of the crime even more vulnerable. Finally, people's fear of being judged, shamed, or stigmatized may be compounded by their socioeconomic status, age, mental health, disability, and so on. They may also experience 'intersectionality,' that is, facing discrimination because of several elements of their identity which combine to make them particularly vulnerable. However, people can be very resourceful and rely on community networks and support for help rather than formal services. In other words, people are more likely to report a victimization to friends and family than they are to report to authorities. One reason for this may be that individuals may have more trust in their own community to deal with their problem effectively than they do in the supposed 'experts' and professionals within government. These people may hold valuable information about crime problems and potential solutions. If they believe that people like themselves are not reporting, they are also less likely to report a victimization. Law enforcement, community support services, and others must build trust and engage with these groups before they are likely to trust law enforcement and report. Some argue that in addition to working hard to diversify law enforcement, the criminal justice community must provide more accessible entry routes and problem-solving opportunities in racially disadvantaged communities. In doing so, police build relationships and communication with an entire neighborhood rather than advising a select few of the resources available. This is true for law enforcement and applicable to statutory services beyond.

Supporting and Empowering Racial Victims

Research on the experiences of racial and ethno-cultural victims of crime is lacking. Given the shame and stigmatization felt by many racial victims of crime in Canada, studies and services specific to these victim needs have become necessary. Hate crime researchers have commented on the need for victim-oriented research. This paper will retrieve findings and recommendations from community organizations on how to work with their experiences rather than trying to impose on existing knowledge a coping model calibrated according to certain beliefs. In an effort to move away from identifying ethnic and then addressing individual behaviors, the goal of the paper is to use this information to discuss strategies for racial victim empowerment.

Creating safe spaces for the survivors of racial violence to share their stories is the first step. Community organizations and advocates are able to provide victims with necessary resources, including safe shelters, free clothing, food, crisis intervention, and supports for those who are destitute or isolated. They provide support services for victims, their families, and communities based on the principles of confidentiality, non-discrimination, self-determination, and a belief in the capacity of people to overcome trauma and suffering. The next thing is to make sure that people are knowledgeable, respectful, and non-discriminatory enough to deliver culturally competent services. This includes identifying the specific needs of racial and ethno-racial survivors of violent crime and putting drastic and general policy and education recommendations in place that would help address or fill in the knowledge gaps. These have been developed from the feedback of a number of different community organizations operating in different sectors.

In addition, regular public awareness and information sessions are needed to advance the understanding among public professionals and others about the causes, nature, and extent of hate crimes. To enhance rapport and understanding between workers and the community, it is suggested that regular workshops with other community-based organizations producing hate crime reports be held. Moreover, partnerships between racialized victims of hate and law enforcement victim services ahead of workshops around the need for increased resources, especially in terms of housing and humane recognition of the unique and particular needs of hate crime survivors, are important. If we cannot show practical results, advocates for change are disempowered. Furthermore, victims and their communities cannot be resilient and empowered if they are required to stay in unsafe environments that are oppressive. Thus, for them to recognize the systemic injustices and for them to trust and look forward to the fruits of their contribution, policy change is necessarily the last piece of the puzzle.

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