Race and Gender Intersections in U.S. Political Attitudes

Introduction

The intersection of race and gender in shaping political attitudes has been a focal point of academic inquiry, particularly in the context of the United States, where diverse identities continuously evolve and intersect. Historically, studies have often isolated race or gender when examining political attitudes, potentially overlooking the intricate ways in which these identities interact. However, as groups assimilate in the U.S., there has been an increase in studies evaluating how race and gender operate simultaneously. This essay explores the seminal works of Gay and Tate (1998) and Philpot and Walton (2007), both of which delve into the complex interplay of race and gender among Black women, and discuss how these identities influence political decision-making and candidate support.

By examining these studies, the essay aims to elucidate the nuanced ways in which race and gender intersect to shape political attitudes, while also considering the broader implications for minority groups with overlapping identities.

Gay and Tate's Findings

In their study, Gay and Tate (1998) propose that the development of multiple group identities, resulting from social and economic integration, can potentially weaken an individual's orientation towards a singular group identity in politics. This phenomenon is particularly evident among Black women, who are often confronted with competing alliances within themselves. Studies have shown that Black women are more likely than their white counterparts to identify as feminists, particularly those who strongly identify with their racial identity. Such women are more inclined to support a Black feminist strategy, as they recognize the societal disadvantages and discrimination they face (Gay & Tate, 1998). Gay and Tate argue that Black women are doubly bound to both race and gender when forming their political identities. By analyzing data from two national surveys conducted in 1984 and 1996, they found that for Black women, race and gender are mutually reinforcing, especially when race interferes with gender. However, Black women tend to rely more heavily on racial identities when making political decisions.

Furthermore, Gay and Tate explore whether gender identification increases the likelihood of supporting liberal public policies among Black women who identify strongly with their gender. They also examine whether gender identification enhances the effect of race identification on support for liberal policies. The study uses group identity as the primary independent variable, with separate measures for race and gender. Respondents were asked about their perception of common fate with both Blacks and women, revealing that Black women identified less with gender than race in 1984. However, over the subsequent 12 years, the awareness of racial and gender common fate increased, with race becoming more salient (Gay & Tate, 1998).

Despite these observations, Gay and Tate found that the perception of gender interdependence did not significantly account for the policy liberalism often observed among Black women. Instead, racial identification more consistently shaped liberal policy attitudes in 1984. While race guided liberal policy attitudes, gender identification neither enhanced nor detracted from the liberal effect of race consciousness on Black women’s policy views. This minimal impact of gender linkage might be attributed to the survey’s focus on social welfare programs, which did not directly address women’s concerns (Gay & Tate, 1998). Moreover, in examining the impact of race and gender on opinions toward significant Black public figures and events, they found that a strong identification with gender sometimes detracted from the effect of race identification. This underscores the complex interaction between race and gender, influencing how people view situations and act on public policy.

Philpot and Walton's Contributions

Building on Gay and Tate's foundational work, Philpot and Walton (2007) expanded the exploration of race and gender's role in political attitudes, particularly within the context of candidate evaluations. They argue for a simultaneous examination of race and gender in electoral politics, as these identities mutually reinforce each other. Notably, Black women remain underrepresented at all government levels, prompting Philpot and Walton to investigate the likely supporters of Black female candidates through an experimental approach, precinct-level election data, and exit poll data.

Philpot and Walton's study involved a fictitious campaign in which participants read about a Black female candidate competing in a mayoral election against different opponents: an African American male, a white male, and a white female. This experimental design allowed for control over potential confounding variables, though it posed challenges in generalizing findings to real-world political contexts. Their findings revealed that Black women were consistently the strongest supporters of the Black female candidate, regardless of the opponent, suggesting that race and gender collectively strengthened support. Black males also supported the Black female candidate, albeit their support was contingent upon the opponent's race and gender. When the opponent was a Black male, only 60 percent of Black men preferred the Black female candidate. However, when the opponent was white, over 80 percent of Black men supported her, confirming the group interests aligned with race.

Additionally, Philpot and Walton analyzed electoral support for Black female candidates in Atlanta, a city that records registration by gender and race. In the 2001 Atlanta mayoral election, Shirley Franklin received significant support, attributed to a well-funded campaign and backing from diverse groups. Analysis showed that Black female candidates received higher percentages of votes in precincts with more Black female registered voters, whereas support was lower in areas with higher percentages of Black male voters. These findings suggest that Black male support for Black female candidates hinges on the race and gender of the opponent, with a preference for Black male candidates unless the opponent is white.

Conclusion

Both Gay and Tate’s and Philpot and Walton’s studies illuminate the intricate interplay of race and gender in shaping political attitudes among Black women. Gay and Tate reveal the predominance of racial identity in guiding political views, while Philpot and Walton highlight the dynamic interplay of race and gender in candidate support. These studies underscore that for Black women, race and gender do not operate independently but rather intersect in complex ways, influencing political identities and decisions. As the U.S. continues to evolve, with increasing overlapping interests among minority groups, it is imperative to explore how these intersecting identities shape political attitudes and actions. The research presented here offers a valuable foundation for further inquiry into the political dynamics of individuals with intersecting identities, such as racial/ethnic minorities who are also part of the LGBTQ+ community. Such studies will continue to inform our understanding of the intersectionality of identity and its impact on political perspectives and behavior.

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