Gender and Social Competition

The interplay between sexism and social competition among women is a complex and nuanced subject that has garnered considerable academic interest. This essay examines the effects of hostile and benevolent sexism on social competition among women, particularly in the context of understanding how these forms of sexism impact women's motivation to engage in socially competitive behaviors. Hostile sexism is characterized by overtly negative attitudes and discrimination against women, while benevolent sexism, although seemingly positive, patronizes women by reinforcing traditional gender roles.

The primary objective of this study was to explore whether exposure to both hostile and benevolent sexism increases social competition among women, as previous research suggested. The significance of this study lies in its potential to deepen our understanding of how different forms of sexism influence women's behavior and motivation, thereby contributing to broader discussions on gender equality and social dynamics.

Findings and Analysis

Our research findings indicate that neither hostile sexism, benevolent sexism, nor their combination significantly affect social competition among women. This result contradicts our initial hypothesis and highlights the need for further exploration into the factors that drive social competition. Nevertheless, consistent with existing literature, we observed a marginally significant positive correlation between exposure to hostile sexism and an increase in socially competitive behavior (Becker & Wright, 2011; Ellemers & Barreto, 2009). This suggests that hostile sexism may provoke feelings of anger and injustice, thereby motivating women to engage in collective action and social competition. Lemonaki et al. (2015) extended this notion by demonstrating that hostile sexism decreases perceptions that the gender system is just, thereby increasing willingness to engage in collective action.

However, benevolent sexism did not emerge as a significant predictor of social competition. As Lemonaki et al. (2015) proposed, benevolent sexism might undermine women's motivation to engage in competitive behavior due to its subtlety and perceived normalcy. Research by Killianski & Rudman (1998) underscores this, noting that benevolent sexism is less easily identified as prejudicial and is often viewed as a normal part of daily life for women (Swim, Hyers, Cohen, and Ferguson, ????). This perception may lead women to evaluate benevolent sexists more favorably than hostile sexists (Becker & Wright, 2011), reducing the likelihood of challenging such behavior. Our study aligns with this trend, with 57.9% of participants reporting that they had never encountered instances of benevolent sexism. Furthermore, exposure to benevolent sexism has been described as rewarding, contradicting the negative emotions typically associated with collective action participation (Jackman, 1994).

Contextual Considerations

The context in which this study was conducted may also account for the lack of significant findings. Conducted at a liberal university in New England, an area identified as one of the least sexist regions in the United States (Charles, Guryan, & Pan, 2018), the study's location may have influenced participants' perceptions and experiences of sexism. In contrast, regions with more entrenched sexist attitudes, such as the South, might yield different results. Residential and background sexism influences various aspects of women's lives, including employment, wages, and societal roles (Charles, Guryan, & Pan, 2018), suggesting that geographical and cultural contexts play a crucial role in shaping women's responses to sexism.

Limitations and Future Directions

While our results offer valuable insights, several limitations must be acknowledged. The disparity in nominal scales for measuring sexism and social competition may have affected the results, as sexism scores ranged from 1 to 6, while social competition scores ranged from 1 to 5. Additionally, data collection was challenging, necessitating active participant recruitment and resulting in incomplete responses. The majority of participants were Caucasian Boston University female students over the age of 18, which limits the study's external validity and generalizability across diverse demographics. Previous research suggests that women of color may experience higher levels of both hostile and benevolent sexism (Bloom & Trumbull, 2006), indicating the need for more diverse samples in future research.

To address these limitations, future studies could explore the emotional responses elicited by different types of sexism and how these emotions influence social competition. Research could also examine varying responses among different groups of women, such as those in STEM fields or career-oriented women, to determine if distinct emotions are provoked. Additionally, the potential for educational interventions to highlight the antagonistic nature of benevolent sexism should be explored, as demonstrated by Barreto & Ellmers (2005), who found that making patronizing behavior explicit can provoke anger similar to that elicited by hostile sexism.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this study contributes to the ongoing discourse on the impact of sexism on women's social competition by revealing that neither hostile nor benevolent sexism significantly affects this behavior. However, the context and limitations of the study suggest that further research is necessary to fully understand the complexities of this relationship. By examining the emotional responses to different forms of sexism and exploring the role of education and awareness, future research can provide deeper insights into the dynamics of sexism and social competition, ultimately informing strategies for promoting gender equality and empowering women in diverse contexts.

Did you like this example?

1171

62