The Historical Criticism of Man’s Fate

To one living in a democratic culture, the word "Communism" brings to mind names such as Marx, Lenin, Stalin, and even Anastasia. Yet, according to Rodney Guin, a secondary school history educator, those within a Communistic system typically worry about how they will feed their family tomorrow. The commonly heard, "Each according to his ability and each according to his need," is a slogan, not a reality (Communism 2). Regarding Communism, Benjamin Cardozo wrote, "Again and again, the altruist has appeared in politics, has urged us to share with others, the product of our labor and has glorified the communistic conviction as the panacea for our social illnesses.

" Matt's Web homepage states, "Under Communism, profits from the workers' labor would be distributed for the benefit of the workers themselves. This would, of course, result in a significantly better deal for the people of the world. Sounds good on paper, but many countries serve as proof that Communism in action contradicts all these statements."

Having lived in China during the 1920s and witnessed the realities of Communist resistance, Andre Malraux wrote Man's Fate, an illustration of how profound Communist influences can be. Interestingly, instead of writing from a political perspective, he discussed humanity itself and how individuals respond to circumstances. To accomplish this, Malraux's well-developed characters revealed their souls to the world, pulling me into a collision of fate, duty, and free will. These characters were sometimes egocentric and direct, other times compassionate. They were so relatable that, despite my general dislike for historical works, I learned a great deal from understanding the storyline and comprehending the implications it had for each character.

So, where did Malraux acquire the background needed for Man's Fate? Malraux, being French, focused his learning on archaeology, art history, and anthropology (Understanding 1). As a young man, he travelled to many places, one of which was China during his mid-twenties, where he experienced the revolution first hand. Its profound influence on Malraux is evident in this novel, and he seems entirely conversant with the underground engagements.

One notable group featured is the Kuomintang. Established in 1912, with Sun Yat-Sen as the leader, their original plans were to implement legislative democracy and moderate socialism – objectives that sound promising in theory. However, in 1922, the Kuomintang was restructured, primarily with the aid of Comintern agents like Michael Borodin. In 1924, a coalition composed of Communists adopted Yat-Sen's theory, based on the Three People's Principles put forward by San Min Chu I. These principles were nationalism, democracy, and people's livelihood. Yat-Sen envisaged that the Chinese reconstruction would transition through stages: military government, guidance under the Kuomintang, and popular sovereignty (Palmer 356).

What Yat-Sen did not account for was Chiang Kai-Shek. Rusty Johnson provides the following summary:

Chiang Kai-Shek completed his basic training with the Japanese army, then returned to China where he participated in the 1911 revolution against the Manchus. Between 1913 and 1916, Kai-Shek assisted in attempts to overthrow Yuan Shih-kai's government. Sun Yat-Sen formed the Guangzhou government in 1917 and appointed Kai-Shek as a military assistant. In 1926, Kai-Shek, as a Kuomintang general, launched the Northern Expedition. During this campaign, Kai-Shek and his Nationalist army claimed victories in Hankou, Shanghai, and Nanjing. Following Yat-Sen's death in 1925, Kai-Shek initially continued his predecessor's policy of cooperation with the Chinese Communists. He even accepted Russian aid until 1927. However, he then reversed his stance, sparking a civil war between the Kuomintang and Communists.

Malraux's vivid descriptions of events during this civil war could only be the product of first-hand experience. He achieves a balance between crafting the plot and exploring a character's subconscious. For example, in the opening scene, the reader steps into the shoes of an assassin on the brink of committing his first murder. The environment is noisy, yet Malraux conveys Chen's feeling of isolation. The scene reads, "Four out of five klaxons screamed at once—some traffic jam back in the world of men..." (3). Once the murder is committed, Chen reflects that, "Nothing bore witness to the struggle—not even the tear in the gauze, nothing but the silence and the overpowering intoxication into which he was sinking" (6). Just as the reader assumes the deed is done, a "dark blot began from the balcony, the darkness loomed" (7). From here, the reader becomes immersed in the volatile world of the revolution, mirroring the highs and lows experienced by those living under Communist rule. Communism is not just fraught with tension nor is it simply a political theory; it involves complex individuals with differing opinions.

The following are some of the individuals whom Malraux introduces us to. Katov, a hero who gifts his cyanide to two comrades, fully aware that he will subsequently be burned alive, is depicted as "the tall figure familiar to all the shock teams: legs apart, arms hanging, his shirt unbuttoned at the neck, nose upturned, hair tousled" (33). Malraux utilises animal stereotypes to portray certain characters, inducing one to wonder if Malraux's own encounters with the animals inspired the imagery or if he merely perceived them as the most apt representation of certain personality traits. Malraux refers to Katov from another character's perspective as a "cunning sparrow" (15), while Kyo is "small and agile like a Japanese cat" (36).

Besides those just discussed, Malraux introduces us to Old Gisors, who is Kyo's father, as well as Kyo's mistress, Might. Through them, he demonstrates the power of familial bonds and the struggles unique individuals face when dealing with the hands fate has dealt them. Old Gisors, a professor, knew that no amount of training could ever transform the world he lived in, yet he persevered, for it offered him a link to his son, Kyo. Ultimately, he relied on opium to dim the harsh realities surrounding him. Might, a devoted physician, gave her all to her profession and the man she loved, Kyo. When Might discovered that Kyo was about to embark on a dangerous path that could potentially lead to his demise, she confessed to him that she had been unfaithful. What were her intentions for doing so? Perhaps Might hoped to hurt Kyo, as she felt he was choosing death over a life with her. In the end, Might redeemed herself when she offered to take Old Gisors, Kyo's father, with her to Moscow. Although he declined, Might was forgiven for the hurt she inflicted on Kyo prior to his death. It can be hoped, even though she will live in a Communist society, that her future will be a peaceful one.

China's history is marked by great changes. It seems as if the people understand that change can only come about through struggle. In relation to transformation, Mao Tse-Tung writes, "Furthermore, the ultimate aim of the revolution is the seizure of the cities, the enemy's main bases, and this objective cannot be achieved without the right groundwork in the cities. It is thus clear that revolution cannot triumph either in the rural areas or in the cities without the disintegration of the enemy's forces, his principal instrument against the people. Therefore, apart from annihilating the enemy's soldiers in battle, there is the imperative task of disintegrating them" (Tse-Tung 318).

Communism, at its most militant, seeks to debilitate the enemy so rigorously that the few who survive will have minimal hope of resurgence and would presumably owe their allegiance to the victors. The Communist strategy is straightforward: annihilate the enemy, break them down, and wipe them away as if they were errors on a chalkboard. As the revolution unfolded in China, Communism imposed stringent regulations on people, persuaded them that the only way to support their families was to serve the state, and promised them that things would improve only if they dedicated everything they had to the state.

Mao Tse-Tung further asserted, "The Communist Party must not be arrogant and hasty; instead, it requires well-chosen cadres working undercover, building power and biding their time. In leading people to resist the enemy, the Party must adopt the steady and progressive method of fighting battles on favourable ground, to our advantage, and with tactics of restraint. It should also exploit the permissible open forms of action dictated by law, decree, and social custom; mere bluster and rash actions can never lead to success" (319).

Communism-- a well-planned act created to do away with Chinese attempts toward capitalism or freedom. No wonder the Kuomintang thought it necessary to antagonize Communist aggressiveness, even though the end outcome may be fatality. In 1924, in the Manifesto of the First National Congress of the Kuomintang released in that year, Dr. Sun specified,

"The supposed autonomous system in modern states is normally monopolized by the bourgeoisie and has actually become merely a tool for suppressing the common people. On the other hand, the Kuomintang's Principles of Freedom suggest an autonomous system shared by all the common people and not independently owned by the few. Enterprises, such as banks, railways, and airlines, whether Chinese or foreign-owned, which are either monopolistic in character or too big for private management, shall be run and administered by the state, so that private capital cannot dominate the livelihood of the people: this is the main principle of the policy of capital" (Palmer 543).

Dr. Sun also explained the basic principle for domestic and foreign policy by stating, "We must excite the masses of the people and unite in a common struggle with those nations of the world which treat us as equals. The Three People's Principles of the old democracy, which were adapted to the old global and domestic conditions, were therefore refined into the Three People's Principles of New Democracy, which was then adapted to the new global and domestic conditions. Although ten years after the revolution in Man's Destiny, the Communist Party of China was referring to the latter type of Three People's Principles, and to nothing else when, in its Policy of September 22, 1937, it declared that, 'The Three People's Principles being what China needs today, our Party is ready to fight for their full realization.' These Three People's Principles embody Dr. Sun Yat-sen's original Three Great Policies-- alliance with Russia, cooperation with the Communist Party! And support to the peasants and workers" (665).

In a governmental paper, President Harry Truman said, "Our spiritual faith provides us the answer to the false doctrines of Communism." Years of observing and combating Communism have taught Americans to prefer democracy due to the economic, political, and social freedom that democracy provides. Any theory can be made to look good on paper, but if not sound, faults will arise when the idea is implemented. As if he knew that Communism was one ideology that would take heroes to fight against its challenges, Malraux once said, "A man defines himself by his deeds, not by his dreams" (Learning 1). All men have a choice, but only some realize and act with the responsibility it takes to achieve it, as do the characters in Man's Destiny.

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