About Gang Violence

The United States legal definition of gang violence is “criminal and non-political acts of violence committed by a group of people who regularly engage in criminal activity against innocent people.” The term also includes, “physical hostile interactions between two or more gangs. The term gang refers to two or more people organized to achieve a common objective and who share a common identity.” (US Legal, Inc., n.d.). In this paper, I will discuss the topic of gang violence and how broken windows theory, along with collective efficacy theory can be applied to the ongoing issue of gang violence from an offender’s point of view.

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To begin, is gang violence its own type of violence? Or is it considered “gang violence” because of the way gangs identify themselves? Gang violence is a form of collective violence and in some cases vigilante violence because of the similar definitions, the only difference that was found between the three was that gang violence has its own identity with a gang sign or color and is typically non-political.

The first street gangs were documented in England around the 1600’s and started emerging into the United States around the end of the American Revolution and because the levels of poverty and lack of marketing skills along with language barriers were so high, immigrants and youths were forced to seek another opportunity of financial gain (Howell, 2010). Today, a majority of the gang members are the age of eighteen years old and are involved for similar reasons of those who began gang culture. What motivates gangs to form? In high social disorder areas and crime hotspots there is a high need of protection and high levels of fear whether that be a fear of violence, the overall area, or the law itself. If social disorder is low, the level of crime is also low but if social disorder is high, crime is likely to be high or low depending on the area. Gangs provide a sense of protection and belongingness to individuals that may suffer from living in poverty, have limited social support, and may be victims of bullying (Howell, 2010). “Qualitative data shows that the ecological positioning of a particular street block, in term of what is within or around it, has a profound influence on the logic motivated offenders use to select perceived advantageous spaces for the crime related activities to take place” (Explaining Crime Hotspots, pg. 32). Broken windows theory can be applied to the idea that gangs and gang violence are more likely to occur in areas with low collective efficacy and high social disorder. The idea of broken windows theory is that if one window is shattered, it must be fixed before others are shattered and if they are not fixed then only more will be broken. Violence tends to happen in the areas with the lack of social and economic support to fix the “broken windows” or issues with violence and crime which not only gives gangs the opportunity to form but to flourish there as well. This creates an environment where law-abiding citizens no longer attempt to care for the community because of the fear of crime and lack of support to the point where those citizens will eventually move out of the area allowing less attached citizens to move in, giving the opportunity for gangs and other offenders of crime to continue their violent and criminal actions in that area (Explaining Crime Hotspots, pg. 35). There are two components of neighborhood disorder when thinking of broken windows theory. The physical damage of the neighborhood relating to the appearance of the streets and lack of upkeep that gives the idea that people may come to the community and do what they please because it seems no one is caring for the neighborhood. Then there is also the social damage of the neighborhood where there seems to be a larger amount of crime related to drunk pedestrians, prostitution, car thefts, rowdy pedestrians, and addicts. In areas like this, it seems that there is a larger opportunity to commit a crime because citizens of the community are less likely to report a crime because of the “crime culture” the neighborhood already has.

In neighborhoods with this high social disorder, it is more likely that gangs and high forms of violence will follow rather than in neighborhoods that regulate their crime and keep up with the neighborhood. This paper proposes that individuals who report that they feed in neighborhoods characterized by disorder–by crime, vandalism, graffiti art, danger, clatter, dirty, and drugs–have high levels of danger and mistrust. It further proposes that a particular’s alliances and connections with neighbors can buffer the negative expression of quickening in a neighborhood characterized by disorder on anxiety and distrust. Results from a deputy sample of 2482 Illinois residents collected by ring in 1995 support the propositions. Living in a neighborhood with a division of intuit disorder way affects mistrust and the fear of victimization, adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics. Perceived proximity disorder and social ties way interact informal social ties with neighbors shorten the fear- and guess-exhibit effects of disorder. However, formal participation in neighborhood organizations bestow little buffering effect. High (top quartile) social neighborhood disorder was associated with approximately 35-45% increased exposure of high (top quartile) television, computer, and video plan manner. Physical neighborhood disorder was not associated with screen time activities after accommodating for social vicinage disorder. However, high social and corporeal neighborhood disorder combined was combined with loosely 40-60% increased likelihood of high electronic babysitter, computer, and video game use. Ecological models hint that the vicinage environment is an influential partial in understanding health behaviors. For example, the basic premise of the ecological systems hypothesis is that a ignorant hypostasis’s neighborhood surrounding interacts with their immediate context (i.e., family, associate) and their single characteristics (i.e., age, breed) to restraint their behaviors . Neighborhood disorder is one aspect of the proximity surrounding that may influence sedentary behaviors such as protect measure. Neighborhood disorder encompasses many factors such as murder, defacement, corrupt buildings, gang quickness, drug sales, and degradation . It has been suggested that the fear and trouble accompanying with high neighborhood disorder may event in people elude or minimizing their time in the proximity environment .

Therefore, high proximity disorder may stimulate juvenile people to stay indoors where screen time activities are readily advantageous. Principal component analysis was generalship in order to subjugate the six social and four purgative neighborhood disorder items. For social disorder, one component with an eigenvalue of 3.4 emerged, explaining 55.8% of the total variation. The items that were included in this component and their loadings were 0.56 for neighbors taking advantage, 0.58 for safety, 0.77 for worn illegal drug/drinking in public, 0.78 for racial/heathen/religious tensions, 0.86 for iniquity, and 0.87 for course. For curative disorder, one component with an eigenvalue of 2.5 emerged, explaining 62.1% of the total difference. The items that were included in this component and their loadings were, 0.74 for plight of buildings/grounds, 0.78 for vacant or abandoned buildings, 0.81 for cacolet, and 0.83 for cave painting. The Anderson-Rubin method was used to reckon z-scores for the components that were derived from the social and physical quarter disorder principal components analyses. Therefore, the scores had a mean of zero and a criterion offense of one . Analyses were concluded using SAS conversion 9.2 (SAS Institute Inc., Cary, NC). Descriptive statistics were initially calculated, including Norma weekly hours of telly, video game, and computer custom per social and curative vicinity disorder quartiles. Additionally, t-distinction were used to prospect breed differences in particular screen time activities. Multivariate multilevel logistic regression analyses were used to search into the relationship between social and natural vicinage disorder and one hide time variables. The GLIMMIX process was interest to fit generalized narrow mixed models with a binomial distribution to account for the swatch moment as well as the hierarchical and glomerate nature of the data. All models predicted the highest quartile of shit box, computer, and video lame use. To address the main objective of the unsubstantial, initial unadjusted retrogression fork were run for each screen delay mutable that confined social or purgative neighborhood disorder. Then, a second set of standards were fuse that included social or physical neighborhood disorder variables and relevant confounders. Potential confounders for the models included breed, degree, ethnicity, family edifice, individual-flat SES, area-direct SES, and urban-rural placing. These efficacious confounders were based on assumptions of confusion as well as anterior literature on the relationship between the quarter environment and screen time. A two-stage ago deletion procedure was used to chooser the confounders. Confounders were removed based on a innovate of less than 10% on the strength effects. In stage one, an initial model was run to select several-level confounders. In level two, the chooser single-flat confounders were then added to an additional dummy with area-level confounders for a final selection process. A third set of fashion were go that included the relevant confounders and both the social and physical neighborhood disorder variables. Gender, brand, ethnicity, and SES interactions were also search. Finally, since the screen tempo categories were not Early outcomes, quarrel ratios (ORs) obtained from logistic regression models do not approximate appertaining danger. Therefore, prevalence ratios (PRs) were derived by adjusting ORs according to the proportion of the outcome in the referent groups (P0) as succeed: PR = OR/((1-P0) + (P0*OR)) . The confederated supremacy of social and physical neighborhood disorder on tube, computer, and video games. Prevalence ratios and 95% frank intervals for high glass teat, computer, and video Pancratium utility according to combined social and curative neighborhood disorder knot. All models were regulated for vicinity SES and the data processor model was also adjusted for intensity. Low social/low physical = bottom 3 quartiles of social and physical neighborhood disorder; high social/low external = top quartile of social neighborhood disorder and bottom 3 quartiles of physical neighborhood disorder; fire social/high physical = bottom 3 quartiles of social neighborhood disorder and top quartile of physical vicinage disorder; and high social/high physical = top quartiles of social and physical proximity disorder. The strongest and most salient connections appear to spread from public violence on the one hand and private violence on the other to guns and, ultimately, to homicide rates. Guns have a solid feedback bight to private battle, lonely strife staple back to inn social disorder, and people eagerness hank back to public social disorder as well. Private conflict also rings back slightingly to privacy remissness. Neighborhood disorder takes many forms — general sortition, prostitution, catcalling, aggressive panhandling, rowdy teenagers, battling espouse, graffiti art, vandalism, abandoned buildings, trash-filled share, alleys strewn with bottles and eviscerate. But no social disorder is at once so disruptive in its own equitable and so conducive of other disorders and crime as public imbibition. In a classic 1990 muse of community breakdown in American cities by William Skogan, public carousal was ranked first among the tumult identified by residents across 40 neighborhoods. Developing and strength rigorous liquor Torah and regulations that might cut rape and alcohol-narrated problems in lean, minority, high-sin obscure-town neighborhoods has not been a high priority for most nation. To put it bluntly, America’s drink-government system is structured without any apparent regard for the relationship between alcohol availability, decline, crime, and other social problems — and is calculated to give the pomp almost zero capability to regulate and immediately execute beverage Torah. A meditation of ABC offices and investigators in California, for example, found that investigators were “less concerned with public health and welfare than with the rights of applicants.” The study comprehends that selling alcohol in California “is treated more as a direct than a immunity.”. In other message, gang members are not plainly offenders or victims; instead, gang membership is a general source of both configuration of violence,” said David Pyrooz, an assistant professor at Sam Houston State University, College of Criminal Justice and principal author of the contemplation. “Today’s criminal criminal is tomorrow’s victim, and today’s victim is considerably likely to be tomorrow’s felon offender.”. The study, co-declare by Richard K. Decker of Arizona State University, found that gang membership is a large chance factor for decorous both a victim and an offender. Gangs spread the Linn for its members to be involved in both sides of crime through a shared relation of collective identity; unconventional ways to earn condition in a gang; involvement in felon activity and norms of talion; and part liability for being attached with a gang. While criminology researchers have found a common overlap between victims and offenders complex with crime, gang members do not appropriate traditional theories. One generally approves hypothesis, speculation concentrate on the characteristics of the single, including such biological or psychological element as impulsivity, intelligence or risk-solicit, which continually put community in deleterious situations, example to crimes or victimization. Another speculation enforces a “venom” between offending and victimization that is, attractive in criminal deportment set someone at risk for victimization, while victimization clown someone at jeopardy for committing a robbery. In foil, it is the group process that puts gang members at the interrupting hairs of pain and victimization. At any given time, 2 percent of youth and young adults in the U.S. In major cities, homicide rates for gang members are 100 clock higher than that of the syn notorious. To woo this issuance, Pyrooz and his colleagues present several strategies that focus on both victims and offenders. For example, in Ceasefire Chicago, the program uses former gang members as “violence interrupters” to identify and occur in gang-related conflicts to hinder retaliatory shootings. Law compulsion strategies that target all members of the gang, instead of an individual’s deportment, also have proven effective. Interventions should not exact target the triggerman and his accomplices, but also the pre- and his accomplices. “In other words, gang members are not distinctly offenders or victims; instead, gang membership is a common source of both constitution of violence,” said David Pyrooz, an attendant professor at Sam Houston State University, College of Criminal Justice and principal creator of the study. “Today’s criminal offender is tomorrow’s dupe, and today’s victim is totally similar to be morrow’s robber sinner.” The meditation, co-authored by Richard K. Decker of Arizona State University, found that gang membership is a large risk factor for comely both a dupe and an transgressor. Gangs enlarge the pool for its members to be complex in both sides of crime through a shared tale of inferring individuality; unofficial ways to earn condition in a gang; involvement in offender agility and norms of retaliation; and plowshare liability for being affiliated with a gang. “Violence raised violence,” said Pyrooz. “The maxim, ‘we are all in this together,’ extends to annoy and victimization.” The study was based on interviews with 621 youth and young adults from five cities, including Cleveland, OH; Fresno, CA; Los Angeles, CA; Phoenix, AZ; and St. It was funded in part by Google Ideas, a think/do cistern that explores the role that technology can amusement in tackling human challenges, such as extreme extremism, illegitimate fret and fragile states. While criminology researches have found a common overlap between victims and offenders complex with vice, gang members do not adapted traditional theories. One comprehensively understands hypothesis focuses on the characteristics of the individual, contain such biological or psychological factors as impulsivity, acquaintance or peril-seeking, which continually put community in bad situations, example to crimes or victimization. The second theory underscore a “infection” between violate and victimization that is, engaging in criminal behavior state someone at risk for victimization, while victimization puts someone at risk for imprison a crime. In contrast, it is the group process that clown gang members at the cross hairs of offending and victimization.

At any given time, 2 percent of young man and young adults in the U.S. In major cities, homicide rates for gang members are 100 times higher than that of the prevalent inn. “It is not that gangs aren’t comprised of impulsive youth who live violent-chance lifestyles, but that gangs are equipped with a collection of knot projection and ‘manpower’ that better ease trading places as victim and offender,” Pyrooz said. To court this test, Pyrooz and his colleagues seduce several strategies that focus on both victims and offenders. For example, in Ceasefire Chicago, the program uses former gang members as “violence interrupters” to identify and meeting in gang-related contention to prevent retaliatory shootings. Law constraint strategies that butt all members of the gang, in lieu of of an separate’s behavior, also have proven powerful. The core of violence in American cities is distressful and knotty. even as killing rates have declined across the unpolished — in some places, inclination big apple, by a rare quantity — gunplay persists to plague economically contest minority communities. For twenty-five years, murder has been the leading reason behind gangrene among African-American men between the date of fifteen and thirty-four, in step with the Centers for sickness management and hindrance, that has analyzed knowledge up to 2005. and also, the past few ages have seen AN dealing in homicides in several cities. Since 2004, as an example, they’re up nineteen % in City of Brotherly Love and metropolis, twenty-nine % in Houston and fifty-four % in Oakland. simply 2 weekends agone in Chicago, with the primary heat weather, thirty-six individuals were shot, seven of them fatally. The Chicago Sun-Times invite it the “weekend of rage.” several killings are attributed to gang rivalry and are fenced in to specific neighborhoods. In Chicago, wherever on the average 5 individuals were shot daily last year, eighty three % of the assaults were targeted in behalf the police division. therefore, for individuals living outside those neighborhoods, the frequent outbursts of unrestrained annoyance are straightforward to blink. however, every discharge, every murder, leaves a withering inheritance, and an increasing(prenominal) faculty of notion gift that there’s very little we are able to do throughout the dig in polite economic condition if the obdurate pattern of manner violence isn’t somehow broken.

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